This characterization of business resonates deeply in Latin American countries, as our intellectual and political history is rooted in discussions about the nature of specifically local problems. The heavy cross of drug trafficking can be somewhat lightened by the confession of this social rhizome, for example, by comparing it to what Luis Cabrera Lobato once described about a problem, in many of its elements, similar: 'The rural population needs to supplement its salary: if they had ejidos, they would work as laborers for half the year, and for the other half of the year they would apply their energies to fleece them for their own account.' It is also the thread of a sincere and productive self-criticism: more than an analysis, we are dealing with an invitation to resume a conversation that has coincided with the development of modern Mexico, that of entrepreneurial humanism. This is the basis of our duty to convince society of the political value of entrepreneurship, and we have no other option but to consider and respond to the arguments that oppose us. Young people deserve more than black and white, without diminishing the value of black and white. In previous columns, we have talked about the blurring of the lines between so-called left and right. The Marxist problem of class struggle was not always understood as a fundamental feature of our reality; even among left-wing ideologues, they tried to replace it with indigenous, nationalist, and agrarian issues, anything before class. This reference, supported by the theorists of Mexican entrepreneurship, is nothing more than a direct quote from the Soviet leader regarding China, which today better administers so-called globalized capitalism. But the thing is, as Michel Houellebecq writes, 'the task of the holders of supreme magistracy was, as it always had been, to defend the interests of the country as best as possible, just as the mission of an entrepreneur is to defend the interests of his company, tasks that do not imply the choice of an ideology or a certain political orientation.' Not only do entrepreneurs do business, but I believe that the business we do have the potential to become a model of revolutionary empathy, the basis of an economy of goodness. Business organizations have carried this task within them from their beginnings. 'The city, populated by two classes of people, those who do business and their victims...' cruel words from Thomas Bernhard when referred to entrepreneurs, which, however, we would be naive to ignore, since they convey an idea that has been seeping and stagnating among us for too long. In the fundamental documents of COPARMEX we can find the following reasoning that I share in favor of the understanding and prosperity of our city: 'The revolution in imperialist countries is one thing, there the bourgeoisie is counter-revolutionary, but in colonial and dependent countries, imperialist oppression cannot fail to affect the national bourgeoisie: there, the national bourgeoisie can support the revolutionary movement of its country against imperialism.' Not having them, they are forced to live six months of the year on a wage, and the other six months they take up the rifle and become Zapatistas.' In any case, it is necessary to embody our principles and defend what we consider sacred, that of which one should not speak lightly and through which we will achieve 'the total vaccine,' as Boris Vian would say.
