This business characterization resonates deeply in Latin American countries, as our intellectual and political history is rooted in discussions about the nature of specifically local problems. The heavy cross of drug trafficking can be somewhat lightened by the confession of this social rhizome, for example, by comparing it to what Luis Cabrera Lobato described at the time about a problem, in many of its elements, similar: 'The rural population needs to supplement its salary: if they had ejidos, half of the year they would work as day laborers, and the other half of the year they would apply their energies to fleece them for their own account.' It is, moreover, the thread of a sincere and productive self-criticism: more than an analysis, we are dealing with an invitation to resume a conversation that has coincided with the development of modern Mexico, that of entrepreneurial humanism. This is the basis for our duty to convince society of the political value of entrepreneurship, and we have no other option but to consider and respond to the arguments that are opposed to us. Young people deserve more than black and white, without diminishing the value of black and white. In previous columns, we have talked about the blurring of the boundaries between so-called left and right. The Marxist problem of class struggle was not always understood as a fundamental trait of our reality; even among left-wing ideologues, an attempt was made to replace it with indigenist, nationalist, and agrarian problems, all before class. This reference, supported by the theorists of Mexican entrepreneurship, is nothing more than a literal quote from the Soviet leader regarding China, the latter which today better administers the so-called globalized capitalism. But the thing is, as Michel Houellebecq writes, 'the task of the holders of supreme magistracy was, as it had always been, to defend the interests of the country as best as possible, just as the mission of an entrepreneur is to defend the interests of his company, tasks that do not imply the choice of an ideology or a certain political orientation.' Not only do entrepreneurs do business, but I believe that the business we do have the potential to become a model of revolutionary empathy, the basis of an economy of kindness. Business organizations have carried this task within them from their beginnings. 'The city, populated by two classes of people, those who do business and their victims...' cruel words from Thomas Bernhard when referred to entrepreneurs, and yet we would be naive to ignore them, since they convey an idea that has been oozing and stagnating among us for too long already. In the fundamental documents of Coparmex we can find the following reasoning that I share in favor of the understanding and prosperity of our city: 'The revolution in imperialist countries is one thing, there the bourgeoisie is counter-revolutionary, but in colonial and dependent countries, imperialist oppression cannot help but affect the national bourgeoisie: there, the national bourgeoisie can support the revolutionary movement of its country against imperialism.' Not having them, she is forced to live six months of the year on a day laborer's wage, and the other six months she takes up the rifle and becomes a Zapatista.' In any case, it is necessary to embody our principles and defend what we consider sacred, that of which one should not speak lightly and through which we will achieve 'the total vaccine,' as Boris Vian would say.
