Daniel Asaf shared this with some of his colleagues in San Lázaro. Ramírez Cuellar, for his part, is not as convinced about the feasibility of changing the date, but would use the initiative to see who are the allies of the Presidential Palace and who, for now, prefer to remain evasive. Not for nothing did his colleagues consult him on Wednesday about who would actually want to debate the recall, and Ramírez Cuellar responded that the tension is already within the ruling coalition. This all happens against a turbulent backdrop where the government has complaints about the handling of the crisis in Michoacán, especially regarding the communication from General Ricardo Trevilla, who first admitted that Carlos Manzo was under the protection of the National Guard and then went as far as saying on Tuesday that the operation had not failed. Michoacán has become a critical point for the ruling coalition because a full-frontal attack on drug trafficking means hitting López Obrador's allies, a recurring dilemma that now, in the discussion about the recall, takes on a new temporal dimension, where what is being debated is no longer the previous six-year term but the year 2030. It makes sense because, in his presidential aspiration, the original 2028 date would give him a chance to gain ground against the succession plans of the Presidential Palace, especially if the results of the midterm elections were not ideal. For the Secretary of Organization of Morena, the presidential circle aims to, in 2027, get its own governors and revalidate Sheinbaum at the polls, making it impossible later to dispute her centrality. Andy López Beltrán is said to have shared this with his inner circle. The hard-line Obradorists do not want to place the recall of Claudia Sheinbaum's mandate in the 2027 midterm elections.
