In Tabasco, a Mexican source added, they are concerned about the apparent loss of that money and suspect that the friend of López Obrador's children, who was a linchpin for the suspended intelligence investigation in Mexico, could be talking to US agents. To begin with, all close to López Obrador who were involved in corruption acts, continue to live in impunity, without investigations against them and with their businesses flourishing. Germán Pérez, a name unknown to millions, is a key piece for having pulled the trigger that made the power structure built thanks to his access in the presidential office, and the perception of endorsement and protection from the former president, public, opening a wound that, despite the regime's cover-up, has not stopped bleeding. Amílcar Olán and Germán Pérez are names that generate double concern for the Tabasco Group, that political-business amalgam that spans several generations and that increased its fortune or became millionaire during the government of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, whose dark history will be written with the testimonies of many, like theirs who have started to talk with the executioners of the macuspano, the Americans. The Tabasco Group continued with its business, as it has always done. Note: Alex Tonatiu Márquez Hernández, who was dismissed last December as director of Customs Investigation after press revelations about properties and luxuries that did not match his income, and the cancellation of his visa by the United States, sent a letter to the author of this column to refute the article "Unsettled accounts in customs." On the recommendation of a Secretary of State, he recently offered the espionage system to the candidate for governor of Baja California Sur, Christian Agúndez, investigated for ties with Los Chapitos and who represents the PT, a party supported by López Hernández. The information that Mr. Susu gave to Pacchiano allowed the Chiapas authorities – former governor Rutilio Escandón was López Hernández's brother-in-law – to arrest Pérez, for alleged fraud. The information from the United States is that he has been collaborating with federal authorities for some time. Pérez was a loose end they minimized and didn't pay attention to, even though his brother is one of the operators of one of the billing networks built by the Tabasco Group from power during López Obrador's six-year term, according to a US intelligence investigation where the central target was Senator López Hernández. A source from that country confirmed that there are conversations with him, without specifying where or if they are informal or official, which would make him a cooperating witness. Olán and Pérez are kryptonite for the Tabasco Group and, directly, for López Obrador. Pérez, outraged because Amílcar Olán was stealing his money, leaked to the media and civil society the telephone recordings that mention the children of López Obrador as the heads of multiple multimillion-dollar businesses, the very same children of the former president. The recordings made public in 2023 were a strong shake to a tree whose weakest leaves began to fall. Amílcar Olán, who is supposed to have family ties with the López Obradors, left Mexico. The then director of the National Intelligence Center, Audomaro Martínez, who was his head of security for years, handed him a file on what his son Andrés Manuel López Beltrán was doing. López Obrador said nothing to him, but it became known that he called him, complained, scolded him, and in the end, nothing happened. First, he traveled to Dubai and then to Switzerland, where Mexican authorities detected in September that he had transferred three billion pesos through various routes, designed by a Tabasco man who is part of the new regime's billing networks. According to Mexican officials, Amílcar Olán is under surveillance and they know where he is. Amílcar Olán did not stop doing business after the incriminating recordings were released and only got scared much later, when the flow of complaints about corruption in obradorismo continued to flow, feeling that the winds were changing for him. The former president had information about the steps his children were taking since at least 2022, more than a year before indications of their corrupt acts began to emerge. According to people familiar with the case, he was beaten and tortured, but authorities could not prove the accusation and, two months later, he was released. Susu has two open investigations for espionage – for the type of Israeli equipment he sells, which is reserved exclusively for national governments – and, derived from this, for alleged ties to organized crime. In that investigation – as in others – the name of Andy also emerged, who, members of Morena admit, appears in businesses everywhere. Carelessness is the mark of the Tabasco Group. Mexican officials said that he immediately went to live in a small city in Los Angeles County. One of the financial operators of then Secretary of the Interior, Adán Augusto López Hernández, the young entrepreneur Mario Pacchiano, who was investigated – and nothing was ever done – for the sale of medicines at an inflated price, close to Amílcar Olán's group and to Andrés Manuel and Gonzalo López Beltrán, hired the services of Susu Azano Hetser, son of Susumo Azano Matsura, who sold the Pegasus program to the Ministry of National Defense under the government of Felipe Calderón, and who had been prosecuted at least twice in San Diego, for illegal political contributions. Azano Hetser, who is called Mr. Susu, had taken control of the family company Security Tracking Devices, which performed espionage work on mobile devices in real time, instant messaging, and emails, and it was he who located Pérez in Chiapas. What could they reveal? The investigations are intelligence matters. He is described as an honest, efficient, and clean official, free from any probable crime, with no open legal proceedings against him. In the United States, his code name is "Susu", while Israelis identify him as "Hetser". Given that the audios were so compromising, they provoked a defensive reaction: to investigate where they came from.
