In the run-up to the 2027 elections, political parties have begun to move their pieces with an anticipation that reveals not only nervousness but also a clear awareness that the political landscape no longer fully belongs to them. Citizenship—that which for years was relegated to a merely testimonial role—has become the most coveted prize. In this uncertain terrain, the only certainty is that whoever genuinely connects with the public will have the advantage. The question is whether any party is truly willing to do this, or if all will continue to bet on the same old practices, disguised with new names. And what about early campaigning and allowing narco money into electoral processes? No one talks about that. In many ways, this will be a referendum on the country's direction and the parties' ability to adapt to a reality they no longer control. The political fray has entered a frenetic whirlwind that drags everything in its path. Another key element should not be overlooked: the four groups seeking to become political parties. All of them are literally holding their breath, awaiting approval from the president, sorry, the INE. The truth is that their eventual registration or rejection could further fragment the vote and alter traditional competitive dynamics. The 2027 election will not be just another one. It requires clear rules, transparent processes, and, above all, real political will. What is observed is a political system in full reconfiguration. The intention to include the recall of mandate on ballots is not seen by all as a democratic exercise, but as a strategy to position figures from the ruling party with the emergence of Sheinbaum in the electoral contest. There cannot be greater inequality. The board, then, is being shaped amidst crosscutting tensions. To this is added what some are already calling a 'rebellion on the farm,' protagonized by its allies from the PT and the Green Party, who have begun to distance themselves from the current president, sending signals that political discipline is no longer what it was. In parallel, the so-called 'Plan B' of electoral reform continues to generate controversy. The public, fed up with pretense, could become the decisive factor. But for that to happen, the opening of candidacies cannot remain just talk. Their bet implies ceding power spaces to external profiles, which will inevitably generate internal resistances. Traditional structures do not usually give ground without a fight, especially when it comes to candidacies that could displace officials with years—or decades—of militancy. But it is also true that National Action has little room to maneuver: it needs to reinvent itself or resign itself to continuing to lose ground to a ruling bloc that has known how to capitalize on social discontent. And while the opposition tries to regroup, the ruling bloc is not without tensions. Less the INE and the Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Power of the Federation because the Executive has prohibited them from doing so. And yet, beyond the crude imitation, the core of the matter deserves attention: the opening to citizen candidacies is a social demand that no party can continue to ignore. It is no coincidence that, almost immediately, the PRI and PT have come out to announce similar movements. Morena is experiencing internal effervescence where each group seeks to impose its own candidates. The unity that was once its greatest strength is beginning to show evident cracks. And in that context, the PAN's announcement to open its candidacies to citizen profiles through the figure of 'Defenders of the Homeland' is no minor thing. It is, in reality, a risky, necessary, and deeply revealing move. The problem is that the idea is not new. The narrative, the name, and even the concept inevitably refer to the 'defenders of the Fourth Transformation' promoted by the ruling party. The opposition, instead of building its own identity, seems to fall into the temptation of replicating—in an uncreative way—the mechanisms it has so criticized. Come on, they are not even mentioned in Plan B. The old formulas no longer guarantee victories, and the new ones have not yet fully consolidated.
