Previous discussions about plurinominals have come to nothing. Unfortunately, avoiding further damage does not improve the state of democracy in Mexico, which is already lost according to international evaluators. Preventing that will from being fulfilled will test the institutions, which are already empty shells. With public finances in crisis and the Armed Forces weakened in business activities, power hangs only on legitimacy, which they have destroyed, believing that merely occupying the position is enough. Constitutional amendments alter the federal pact and harm its operation in exchange for a few cents that won't even be noticed in the government budget. Because the collapse of democracy did not happen in a vacuum: it was aided by hundreds of people who decided to betray in exchange for a bit of power, some coins, or simply out of cowardice, a trait as frequent in Mexico. As we have demonstrated on several occasions, the 2024 election was no longer democratic, as one of the participants received direct support from the federal government, which also risked public finances to create the illusion of a successful economy. Based on that majority, autonomous bodies and the Judicial Branch were destroyed, concentrating power in the presidency and nullifying the opposition. The Constitution and laws are being amended by a group that has no right to do so, but which seeks to stay in power through these amendments. I am convinced that, because of this, all decisions of the current Congress are illegal, or more precisely, non-existent. Consequently, we are facing an institutional vacuum. With less money and captured institutions, elections will be even less fair, preventing their function of peacefully resolving differences between groups, as we have mentioned before. In a few days, three INE counselors will leave, who were the last dam against authoritarianism. The three, I insist, acted with loyalty to the institution to which they were summoned, even though it began to crumble shortly after. After that, a coup d'état was carried out, with the support of three electoral magistrates, granting the ruling coalition a qualified majority it did not win at the polls. The impact on the population is increasingly noticeable through unresolved legal conflicts, arbitrary decisions, and ruined infrastructure, which, added to a stagnant economy with increasing inflation, give rise to the will to change local and federal governments. Disintegration is already a possibility. As we have also commented, my great concern is the collapse, because at the local level, groups have become entrenched in the blurry area of informality, social mobilization, and organized crime. The electoral reform has become, as they used to say, a wash, or, as a famous TV host would say, a trifle. Even Morena's allies were not in agreement to move the recall election to coincide with the midterm election. In occasional alliance with one or two of their colleagues, they fought the battle, unsuccessfully most of the time. I suppose their performance may not have been perfect, because it never is, but I am convinced that we owe them gratitude for that loyalty that many others did not show, in the INE, in the Tribunal, and in practically all spheres of the country's public life. Without them, the institute will practically be controlled by the group that is in power today. Dania Ravel, Claudia Zavala, and Jaime Rivera will end their term as INE counselors in a week. This illusion cost four trillion pesos; direct support is not easy to quantify. This circular reasoning implies that everything depends on political positions whose foundations are on shaky ground.
